Category Archives: Election ’08

Mitt Romney: The GOP Was Wrong on Teri Schiavo

Republican Presidential candidate Mitt Romney spoke out against 2005’s Republican-led effort to intervene in the Teri Schiavo case:

TAMPA — He’s campaigning hard for support from Republican social conservatives, but presidential candidate Mitt Romney said Saturday he disagreed with the government’s intervention in the Terri Schiavo case.

“I think it’s probably best to leave these kinds of matters in the hands of the courts,” Romney said in a television interview airing today.

Polls showed most voters, including most Republicans, opposed Congress and the Florida Legislature intervening in 2005 to bypass court rulings and force the profoundly brain-damaged Pinellas woman’s feeding tube to be reinserted.

Romney’s position puts him at odds with a portion of the Republican base he is courting aggressively and with former Gov. Jeb Bush, many of whose key advisers and Florida donors are backing the former Massachusetts governor.

“I generally think that it’s not a good idea for courts to legislate. Nor is it great idea for legislatures to adjudicate in a specific circumstance,” Romney said in the taped interview that airs at 11 a.m. on Bay News 9 in the Tampa Bay area.

I don’t necessarily support Romney, but it’s good to see someone in the Republican party speaking out against what had to have been one of the most shameless acts of the Republican Congressional leadership. Not only were they intervening in a private family affair, in doing so they were completely ignoring the authority of the Courts and encouraging people to violate Court orders. It was one of more disgusting things they did during the 12 years they controlled Congress.

Paul to declare candidacy

Ron Paul will announce his candidacy for President on Monday:

U.S. Rep. Ron Paul, a strict constitutionalist and fierce anti-war critic, will formally declare his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination Monday when he appears as a guest on a C-SPAN call-in program.

Paul, R-Texas, created a presidential exploratory committee in January, allowing him to begin collecting money on behalf of his bid. Kent Snyder, the chairman of that committee, said Saturday that Paul would make his candidacy official on Monday.

Why John McCain Should Not Be President

In this month’s edition of Reason, Matt Welch takes a look at the record and political philosophy of John McCain and finds a man we should be afraid of:

Reading McCain’s four best-selling books is a revelatory experience. Not since Teddy Roosevelt has a leading presidential contender committed so many words to print about his philosophies of life and governance before seeking the Oval Office. All of McCain’s charming strengths and alarming foibles are there, hiding in plain sight, often unintentionally.

McCain on the page is reflexively self-effacing (“I have spent much of my life choosing my own attitude, often carelessly, often for no better reason than to indulge a conceit,” he writes in the second paragraph of Faith of My Fathers), consciously reverent of his heroes (Why Courage Matters and Character Is Destiny are basically collections of hagiographic mini-profiles threaded with a few self-help bromides), and refreshingly authentic-sounding (for a politician, anyway). He has a tendency to write passages that would fit perfectly in a 12-step recovery guide, especially Steps 1 (admitting the problem) and 2 (investing faith in a “Power greater than ourselves”). There isn’t any evidence that McCain himself has gone through the 12 steps, but his father was a member of Alcoholics Anonymous, his second wife received treatment in 1994 for her five-year addiction to pain medication, and he has spent a life surrounded by substance abusers. “I have learned the truth,” he writes in Faith of My Fathers. “There are greater pursuits than self-seeking.…Glory belongs to the act of being constant to something greater than yourself.”

That “something” is the “last, best hope of humanity,” the “advocate for all who believed in the Rights of Man,” the “city on a hill” once dreamed by Puritan pilgrim John Winthrop (whom McCain celebrates in Character Is Destiny). Any thing or person perceived as tarnishing that city’s luster has a sworn enemy in the Arizona senator. “Our greatness,” he writes in Worth the Fighting For, “depends upon our patriotism, and our patriotism is hardly encouraged when we cannot take pride in the highest public institutions, institutions that should transcend all sectarian, regional, and commercial conflicts to fortify the public’s allegiance to the national community.”

From this belief, Welch points out, comes McCain’s positions on issues ranging from campaign finance reform to the War on Drugs. And through it all there is the idea that the individual should put their desires second, and the needs of the state first:

If you’re beginning to detect a rigid sense of citizenship and a skeptical attitude toward individual choice, you are beginning to understand what kind of president John McCain actually would make, in contrast with the straight-talking maverick that journalists love to quote but rarely examine in depth. For years McCain has warned that a draft will be necessary if we don’t boost military pay, and he has long agitated for mandatory national service. “Those who claim their liberty but not their duty to the civilization that ensures it live a half-life, indulging their self-interest at the cost of their self-respect,” he wrote in The Washington Monthly in 2001. “Sacrifice for a cause greater than self-interest, however, and you invest your life with the eminence of that cause. Americans did not fight and win World War II as discrete individuals.”

McCain’s Presidential hero is not Ronald Reagan, who recognized America’s legacy of individual liberty, but Teddy Roosevelt:

“In the Roosevelt code, the authentic meaning of freedom gave equal respect to self-interest and common purpose, to rights and duties,” McCain writes. “And it absolutely required that every loyal citizen take risks for the country’s sake.…His insistence that every citizen owed primary allegiance to American ideals, and to the symbols, habits, and consciousness of American citizenship, was as right then as it is now.”

Like Roosevelt, it is clear that McCain sees national duty as more important than individual liberty. A President who believes this is capable of almost anything.

Why Rudy Giuliani Should Not Be President

Jim Sleeper, a New York neoconservative, has an article at TPM Cafe detailing the reasons why Rudy Giuliani should not be President.

While admitting that Giuliani did have several stunning successes as Mayor of New York even before September 11th, Sleeper argues that the style of governing revealed by his tenure as Mayor should raise serious concerns in the mind of anyone who cares about civil liberties and limits on executive power:

The first serious problem is structural and political: A man who fought the inherent limits of his mayoral office as fanatically as Giuliani would construe presidential prerogatives so broadly he’d make George Bush’s notions of “unitary” executive power seem soft.

Even in the 1980s, as an assistant attorney general in the Reagan Justice Department and U.S. Attorney in New York, Giuliani was imperious and overreaching, He made the troubled daughter of a state judge, Hortense Gabel, testify against her mother and former Miss America Bess Meyerson in a failed prosecution charging, among other things, that Meyerson had hired the judge’s daughter to bribe help “expedite” a messy divorce case. The jury was so put off by Giuliani’s tactics that it acquitted all concerned, as the Washington Post’s Ruth Marcus recalled ten years later in assessing Special Prosecutor Kenneth Starr’s subpoena of Monica Lewinsky’s mother to testify against her daughter.

At least, as U.S. Attorney, Giuliani served at the pleasure of the President and had to defer to federal judges. Were he the President, U.S. Attorneys would serve at his pleasure — a dangerous arrangement in the wrong hands, we’ve learned — and he’d pick the judges to whom prosecutors defer.

As mayor, Giuliani fielded close aides like a fast and sometimes brutal hockey team, micro-managing and bludgeoning city agencies and even agencies that weren’t his, like the Metropolitan Transportation Authority and Board of Education. They deserved it richly enough to make his bravado thrilling to many of us, but it wasn’t very productive. And while this Savonarola disdained even would-be allies in other branches of government, he wasn’t above cutting indefensible deals with crony contractors and pandering shamelessly to some Hispanics, orthodox Jews, and other favored constituencies.

Even Giuliani’s signature moment, the aftermath of September 11th, is, Sleeper argues, troubling:

Giuliani’s 9/11 performance was sublime for the unnerving reason that he’d been rehearsing for it all his adult life and remains trapped in that stage role. When his oldest friend and deputy mayor Peter Powers told me in 1994 that 16-year-old Rudy had started an opera club at Bishop Loughlin High School in Brooklyn, I didn’t have to connect too many of the dots I’d been seeing to begin noticing that Giuliani at times acted like an opera fanatic who’s living in a libretto as much as in the real world.

In private, Rudy can contemplate the human comedy with a Machiavellian prince’s supple wit. But when he walks on stage, he tenses up so much that even his efforts to lighten up seem labored. What drove him as mayor was a zealot’s graceless division of everyone into friend or foe and his snarling, sometimes histrionic, vilifications of the foes. Those are operatic emotions, beneath the civic dignity of a great city and its chief magistrate.

Most of America only knows Rudy Giuliani from the events of September 2001. His tenure as Mayor, and more importantly as U.S. Attorney, however paint the picutre of someone who has an expansive, almost limitless view of executive power, and zeal to turn almost anything into a crusade.  Based on his record, it is clear that a Preisdent Giuliani would be an authoritarian pro-government leader along the lines of Theodore Roosevelt, Lyndon Johnson, and George W. Bush.

There have been some, one frequent commentor on this blog in particular, who have claimed that Giuliani is a “libertarian Republican.” I’ve responded more than once that even a curosory examination of his record as Mayor would demonstrate that that simply isn’t the case. With Giuliani taking the lead in the race for the nomination now, one can imagine that more evidence in support of that proposition will come to light.

H/T: Hit & Run

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