Monthly Archives: November 2007

Jon Kyl Running To Replace Trent Lott

By the end of the day today, Trent Lott will announce that he’s leaving the Senate by the end of 2008 and, of course, stepping down as Senate Minority Whip.

This morning, The Politico is reporting that Arizona’s Jon Kyl will run to replace Lott as Republican Minority Whip:

Sen. Jon Kyl (R-Ariz.) will run for Senate minority whip, according to a source close to the Arizona Republican.

“Kyl is running for whip,” confirmed the source.

Kyl is seeking to replace Sen. Trent Lott (R-Miss.), who is preparing to announce later today that he will be retiring from the Senate in the next few weeks. Lott has scheduled two press conferences in Mississippi for later today.

Kyl, currently the number three Senate Republican as Republican Conference chairman, is the chief spokesman for the party. He was re-elected to a third term in 2006 by a 53-43 point margin over Democrat Jim Pederson.

The reason this might be good news ? Well, Kyl earned a 90.0 in the most recent Liberty Index put out by the Republican Liberty Caucus. Not perfect, and not a perfect measurement, but it’s a sign that Kyl, like other members of the Class of `94 that are still around, are better on economic and liberty issues than guys like Lott, and their ascendancy to leadership positions is arguably a good thing.

Bruce Fein’s Anti-Dynasty Amendment

Grover Norquist writes in the Financial Times about a Constitutional Amendment being proposed by Bruce Fein that would prevent the family member of a federal office holder from succeeding them in office:

The US was founded as a constitutional republic. There were to be no kings, dukes or other rapscallions in the New Jerusalem.

Thomas Paine spoke for all of us in Common Sense, saying there was no role for hereditary monarchy in the new world: “For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever, and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honours of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them.”

America’s national constitution, written by representatives of 13 jealous states, even gives the federal government the task of guaranteeing a “republican form of government” in the states and adds: “No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States.” The queen of Hawaii had to go.

It could not be much clearer. No aristocracy. No king. No inherited titles.

And, yes, as Norquist notes, recent American history is replete with examples of family members following each other in office. Most commonly, this has happened when a prominent Congressman or Senator has died and his spouse is appointed to complete his term; the most prominent example of this was when Hubert Humphrey’s wife, Muriel, was appointed to finish out his term in the Senate back in the 1970s. Later, Mary Bono succeeded Sonny Bono as a California Congressman. And, of course, from 1988 until now, we’ve seen the White House held by two families with the prospect of that continuing until at least 2013.

Fein’s proposed Amendment reads as follows:

Section 1. No spouse, sibling or child of an elected or appointed federal, state or local official outside the civil service may immediately succeed that official in the same elected or appointed office.

Section 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation, including exempting certain elected or appointed offices from its general proscription and defining the term “immediately succeed” to prevent circumventions.

Fein’s Amendment is clearly motivated by the fact that, with Hillary Clinton looking like the certain Democratic nominee and the frontrunner in the 2008 General Election, America is faced with the prospect of enduring a 30 year period when the same two families (father and son, husband and wife) occupy the White House.

While I’ve noted myself that this is something to be concerned about, it’s also an historical anomaly. Prior to the 2000 Election, the last time that a son followed his father into the White House was when John Quincy Adams was elected in 1824.

Other than that, the only other examples of family members following each other into the White House are when Benjamin Harrison became President in 1888, nearly fifty years after his grandfather’s brief time in office, and when Franklin Roosevelt was elected to the office thirty years after his distant cousin Theodore.

In other words, the dynastic succession that Fein seems to fear, while understandable, is something that has almost never happened in American history (the closest example I could find is a certain Senate seat in Massachusetts which, except for a brief two year period that ended in 1962, has been occupied by a Kennedy every year since 1952).

Moreover, as Mark at Publius Endures notes, the Amendment he proposes would not have prevented George W. Bush’s election in 2000, and would have no impact on Hillary Clinton’s run in 2008. The only way that could happen would be to write the amendment in such a way that it would provide that a family member could never hold an office once occupied by a former family member; and it’s doubtful that a restriction that broad would ever make it through the amendment process.

Finally, as with much about American politics, the tendencies that concern Fein and Norquist will prove to be largely self-correcting. George W. Bush followed his father into the White House, but, thanks largely to the second Bush Administration’s less than stellar performance, it’s unlikely we’ll see another Bush in the White House anytime soon — a fact that Jeb Bush recognized a few years ago when he announced that he would not be running for President in 2008. And even Hillary Clinton’s ascendancy is not guaranteed; her negatives remain higher than any other candidate’s, and her election is by no means assured.

By and large, Fein’s Amendment seems to be a solution in search of a problem and, like many other proposed Constitutional Amendments, it doesn’t need to be passed.

About That North American Union…..

….it’s absolutely false.

What’s the Security and Prosperity Partnership (SPP)? The precursor to the NAU, umm…no.

The SPP does exist, and its tri-national task forces continue to meet, but its members consider it a way for the United States, Canada, and Mexico to collaborate on issues such as customs, environmental and safety regulations, narcotics smuggling, and terrorism.

In other words, a commission in order to cooperate on cross-border issues. Nothing evil or sinister here.

What about this common currency, the Amero:

One of the vice chairs of the [Council on Foreign Relations] working group was a political science professor at American University and former Carter administration official named Robert Pastor. In 2001, Pastor had written a book arguing for greater economic integration between the three North American nations – and specifically discussed the possibility that the nations could jointly adopt an amero currency.

A former Carter administration official writes a book and serves on a CFR working group about greater economic ties between the US, Canada, and Mexico and talks about a common currency and people go apeshit. It was just an idea. Just because someone suggests a common currency between the NAFTA members doesn’t mean there is a plan to adopt one.

Finally, the NAFTA Superhighway:

The NAFTA Superhighway has a more complicated origin. One piece is a nonprofit organization, called the North America’s Supercorridor Coalition, or NASCO, dedicated to ensuring the efficiency and safety of some of the country’s major truck trade routes – a map from the organization’s website has shown up on NAU watchdog websites, erroneously labeled the blueprint for the NAFTA Superhighway. Another is a controversial toll highway that Texas is considering building to accommodate the sharp increase in freight traffic brought by NAFTA.

In other words, it doesn’t exist and there is no plan to build one.

To sum up the North American Union, it doesn’t exist outside of some books and the occasional think tank discussion. There is no plan to create one by the governments in North America.

Now can we start discussing the real issues affecting this country and can we start defending our liberty against real threats, instead of making up phony threats.

I’m one of the original co-founders of The Liberty Papers all the way back in 2005. Since then, I wound up doing this blogging thing professionally. Now I’m running the site now. You can find my other work at The Hayride.com and Rare. You can also find me over at the R Street Institute.

Morality And Emergencies

Time Magazine has what it calls a morality quiz, putting forth several different scenarios and asking which course of action you’d take. The theme of each question is similar and they are all designed around the theme of when it is morally acceptable to sacrifice the life of another person.

If you’re at all interested, you can take the quiz yourself and then come back here.

The problem with the entire premise of the quiz is that it makes the mistaken assumption that the scenarios that it posits are examples of situations in which normal morality still applies, thus leading to the (incorrect I submit) conclusion that there are times when it is morally acceptable to sacrifice the life of a for the sake of others.

The proper way of looking at these emergency situations, though, is as precisely that emergencies. Ayn Rand made this point about the applicability of normal human morality to emergencies:

It is important to differentiate between the rules of conduct in an emergency situation and the rules of conduct in the normal conditions of human existence. This does not mean a double standard of morality: the standard and the basic principles remain the same, but their application to either case requires precise definitions.

An emergency is an unchosen, unexpected event, limited in time, that creates conditions under which human survival is impossible—such as a flood, an earthquake, a fire, a shipwreck. In an emergency situation, men’s primary goal is to combat the disaster, escape the danger and restore normal conditions (to reach dry land, to put out the fire, etc.).

By “normal” conditions I mean metaphysically normal, normal in the nature of things, and appropriate to human existence. Men can live on land, but not in water or in a raging fire. Since men are not omnipotent, it is metaphysically possible for unforeseeable disasters to strike them, in which case their only task is to return to those conditions under which their lives can continue. By its nature, an emergency situation is temporary; if it were to last, men would perish.

She expanded on this point in a radio interview in the 1960s:

Q: Miss Rand, a particular example has been brought to my attention, involving suicide, or apparent suicide, and it goes as follows. If Man B is placed in a situation where he is under a threat of death by Man A, and the threat is contingent on Man B killing Man C, what is the resolution of this situation philosophically? What are the moral explanations of the possible actions of Man B?

A: In a case of that kind, you cannot morally judge the action of Man B. Since he is under the threat of death, whatever he decides to do is right, because this is not the kind of moral situation in which men could exist. This is an emergency situation. Man B, in this case, is placed in a position where he cannot continue to exist. Therefore, what he does is up to him. If he refuses to obey, and dies, that is his moral privilege. If he prefers to obey, you could not blame him for the murder. The murderer is Man A. No exact, objective morality can be prescribed for an issue where a man’s life is endangered.

In other words, when life is in danger from some external force, it simply doesn’t make sense to judge a man’s actions by a moral code — and it makes even less sense to come up with a moral code that makes suicide the only moral choice.

1 4 5 6 7 8 30